Theodur herzl biography of abraham lincoln

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Theodur herzl biography of abraham lincoln: With reference to Markens' study, Emanuel

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But he remained convinced that Germany was the centre Hauptsitz of antisemitism rather than France. In a much quoted aside he noted "If there is one thing I should like to be, it is a member of old Prussian nobility. He fared best with Israel Zangwilland Max Nordau. They were both well-known writers or 'men of letters'—imagination that engenders understanding.

The correspondence to Hirsch, who had died inled nowhere. Baron Albert Rothschild had little to do with the Jews. Herzl was defiant of their social authority. He also shared Pinsker's pessimistic opinion that the Jews had no future in Europe; that they were too antisemitic to tolerate because each country in Europe had tried antisemitic assimilation.

In Berlin they said Juden raus in a well worn phrase. Herzl therefore advocated a mass exodus from Europe to the Judenstaat. Pinsker's manifesto was a cry for help; a warning to others Mahnrufa call for attention to their plight. Herzl's vision was less about mental states of Jewry, and more about delivering prescriptive answers about land.

Herzl visited Jerusalem for the first time in October William Hechlernamely public world power recognition of himself and Zionism. It was a brief but historic meeting. His appearance brought him into close contact with members of the British government, particularly with Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain through whom he negotiated with the Egyptian government for a charter for the settlement of the Jews in Al 'Arish in the Sinai Peninsulaadjoining southern Palestine.

In he wrote a letter to Cecil Rhodesattempting to get his support for Jewish state. Palestine could offer a safe refuge for those fleeing persecution in Russia. Infollowing Kishinev pogromHerzl visited St. Petersburg and was received by Sergei Wittethen finance minister, and Viacheslav Plehveminister of the interior, the latter placing on record the attitude of his government toward the Zionist movement.

On that occasion Herzl submitted proposals for the amelioration of the Jewish position in Russia. The plan became known as the " Uganda Project " and Herzl presented it to the Sixth Zionist Congress Basel, Augustwhere a majority98 abstentions agreed to investigating this offer. The proposal faced strong opposition particularly from the Russian delegation who stormed out of the meeting.

Pius X was respectful towards Herzl, but resolutely refused to support Zionism in any way. Herzl did not live to see the rejection of the Uganda plan. A day before his death, he told the Reverend William H. Hechler : "Greet Palestine for me. I gave my heart's blood for my people. His will stipulated that he should have the poorest-class funeral without speeches or flowers and he added, "I wish to be buried in the vault beside my father, and to lie there till the Jewish people shall take my remains to Israel.

Despite Herzl's request that no speeches be made, a brief eulogy was delivered by David Wolffsohn. Hans Herzl, then thirteen, who by his father's choice had not been circumcised at birth, and only did so later at the behest of Zionist leaders, read the kaddish. The coffin was draped in a blue and white pall decorated with a Star of David circumscribing a Lion of Judah and seven gold stars recalling Herzl's original proposal for a flag of the Jewish state.

Herzl's grandfathers, both of whom he knew, were more closely related to traditional Judaism than were his parents. In Zimony Zemlinhis grandfather Simon Loeb Herzl "had his hands on" one of the first copies of Judah Alkalai 's work prescribing the "return of the Jews to the Holy Land and renewed glory of Jerusalem. Herzl's grandparents' graves in Semlin can still be visited.

Alkalai himself witnessed the rebirth of Serbia from Ottoman rule in the early and midth century and was inspired by the Serbian uprising and subsequent re-creation of Serbia. On 25 Junehe married Julie Naschauer, the year-old daughter of a wealthy Jewish businessman in Vienna. One of his biographers [ 78 ] suggests that Herzl infected his wife with gonorrhea which he contracted in These difficulties were increased by the political activities of his later years, in which his wife took little interest.

Julie died in3 years after Herzl, aged Herzl imagined himself as a great statesman creating a dynasty for his family in Palestine once a Jewish state was established, where his father would be its foundational senator, and his son a doge. His daughter Paulina suffered from mental illness and drug addiction. She died in at the age of 40 of a heroin overdose.

He sought a personal salvation for his own religious needs and a universal solution, as had his father, to Jewish suffering caused by antisemitism. Hans shot himself to death on the day of his sister Paulina's funeral; he was 39 years old. I can't go on living. I have lost all trust in God. All my life I've tried to strive for the truth, and must admit today at the end of the road that there is nothing but disappointment.

Tonight I have said Kaddish for my parents—and for myself, the last descendant of the family. There is nobody who will say Kaddish for me, who went out to find peace—and who may find peace soon My instinct has latterly gone all wrong, and I have made one of those irreparable mistakes, which stamp a whole life with failure. Then it is best to scrap it.

In the remains of Paulina and Hans were moved from BordeauxFrance, and reburied not far from their father on Mt. Paulina and Hans had little contact with their young sister, "Trude" Margarethe, — She married Richard Neumann, a man 17 years her elder. Neumann lost his fortune in the Great Depression. Burdened by the steep costs of hospitalizing Trude, who suffered from severe bouts of depressive illness that required repeated hospitalization, the Neumanns' financial life was precarious.

The Nazis sent Trude and Richard to the Theresienstadt concentration camp where they died. Her body was burned. At the request of his father Richard Neumann, Trude's son Herzl's only grandchildStephan Theodor Neumann —was sent for his safety to England in to the Viennese Zionists and the Zionist Executive in Israel based there. In England he read extensively about his grandfather.

Zionism had not been a theodur herzl biography of abraham lincoln part of his background in Austria, but Stephan became an ardent Zionist, was the only descendant of Theodor Herzl to have become one. In late and early he took the opportunity to visit the British Mandate of Palestine "to see what my grandfather had started. What most impressed him was the "look of freedom" on the faces of the children, which were not like the sallow look of those from the concentration camps of Europe.

Norman planned to return to Palestine following his military discharge. The Zionist Executive had worked for years through L. Lauterbach to get Norman to come to Palestine as a symbol of Herzl's returning. Operation Agatha of 29 Juneprecluded that possibility: local military and police fanned out throughout the Mandate and arrested Jewish activists.

About 2, individuals were arrested. On 2 July, Norman wrote to Mrs. Stybovitz-Kahn in Haifa. Her father, Jacob Kahn, had been a good friend of Herzl and a well-known Dutch banker before the war. But the dreadful news of the last two days have done nothing to make this easier. Discharged from the army in late springwithout money or job and despondent about his future, Norman followed the advice of Selig Brodetsky.

Rosenblumthe editor of Habokera Tel Aviv daily that later became Yediot Aharonotnoted in late that Chaim Weizmann deeply resented the sudden intrusion and reception of Norman when he arrived in Britain. Norman spoke to the Zionist conference in London. Haboker reported, "Something similar happened at the Zionist conference in London. The chairman suddenly announced to the meeting that in the hall there was Herzl's grandson who wanted to say a few words.

The introduction was made in an absolutely dry and official way. It was felt that the chairman looked for—and found—some stylistic formula which would satisfy the visitor without appearing too cordial to anybody among the audience. In spite of that there was a great thrill in the hall when Norman mounted on the platform of the praesidium.

At that moment, Dr. Weizmann turned his back on the speaker and remained in this bodily and mental attitude until the guest had finished his speech. Brodetsky was Chaim Weizman's principal ally and supporter in Britain. In late Augustshortly after arriving in Washington, he learned that his family had perished. Norman had re-established contact with his old nanny in Vienna, Wuth, who told him what happened.

Unable to endure his suffering any further, he jumped to his death from the Massachusetts Avenue Bridge in Washington, D. Norman was buried by the Jewish Agency in Washington, D. On 5 Decembersixty-one years after his death, he was reburied with his family on Mt. Herzl, in the Plot for Zionist Leaders. Breitenstein's Verlags-Buchhandlung.

Der Judenstaat proposed the structure and beliefs of what political Zionism was. Herzl's solution was the creation of a Jewish state. In the book he outlined his reasoning for the need to reestablish the historic Jewish state. And what is that force? The plight of the Jews I am profoundly convinced that I am right, though I doubt whether I shall live to see myself proved so.

Those who today inaugurate this movement are unlikely to live to see its glorious culmination. Its very name would attract the people "with a force of marvelous potency. Herzl wanted to give the Jews "a corner… where they can live in peace, no longer hounded, outcast, and despised… a country that will be their own," to rid them of the faults that centuries of persecution and ostracism had fostered in them and to allow their intellectual and moral gifts free play, so that finally they might no longer be "the dirty Jews, but the people of light.

The solution to the problem, however, should not be left to Jews alone. He believed that a potential community of interests did exist between the antisemites and the Zionists. We want to emigrate as respected people," parting as "friends from our foes… The solution of the Jewish Question must be a mighty final chord of reconciliation. If the Powers, with the concurrence of the sultan, would recognize Jewish sovereignty over Palestine, the Jews in return could undertake to regulate Turkish finances; they would form there "a portion of Europe … an outpost of civilization.

Herzl was primarily a man of action who wished to translate his ideas into reality. His basic premise, that Zionism constituted an effective antidote to antisemitism, led him to the conviction that the countries most plagued by this problem were his potential allies. As early as June 9,he jotted down in his diary, "First I shall negotiate with the Czar regarding permission for the Russian Jews to leave the country … Then I shall negotiate with the German kaiser, then with Austria, then with France regarding the Algerian Jews, then as need dictates.

In an interview with Baron de Hirsch in he exclaimed, "I shall go to the German kaiser, he will understand me…. I shall say: Let our people go! We are strangers here; we are not permitted to assimilate with the people, nor are we able to do so. Let us go! In this assumption Herzl was basically correct, but it was rather the philosemites who first gave him support.

When a long-awaited reply from ex-Chancellor Bismarck was not forthcoming, and the German press appeared to be critical of his Judenstaata savior from an unexpected quarter called on him. Hechler impressed Herzl as a likable, sensitive, and enthusiastic man. He believed that in —98, the years of "prophetic crisis," Palestine would be returned to the Jews, a prediction that was backed by abstruse computations.

Having read the Judenstaathe no longer doubted that the "foreordained movement" had come into being. Hechler also knew the kaiser and thought it possible to arrange an audience for Herzl. On March 26,Hechler wrote to the duke about Herzl's project, noting with satisfaction that the antisemitic movement had made the Jews see that they were "Jews first and [only] secondly Germans, Englishmen, etc.

He also suggested that the issue be laid before the kaiser, the duke's nephew. The duke took the opportunity of the kaiser's visit to Karlsruhe to brief him on the subject. The kaiser was not fully acquainted with the matter and did not take it seriously. Nor, it appears was Grand Duke Frederick truly convinced of Herzl's cause. Herzl did his best to dispel the duke's misgivings.

On April 22,when they first met at Karlsruhe, he explained that the establishment of the Jewish State would be an act of goodwill, not a consequence of persecution, that emigration would be voluntary, and that it concerned chiefly the Jews of Austria, Russia, and Romania. German Jews would welcome it; it would divert the migration of their East European coreligionists away from Germany.

Moreover, it theodur herzl biography of abraham lincoln reduce the number of Jewish proletarians and, by the same token, the number of revolutionaries. Herzl argued that Jewish enterprise would restore to health "the plague-spot of the Orient. The grand duke was won over and remained Herzl's staunch supporter. Verdy du Vernois, the former Prussian minister of war and an expert on the Orient, was also convinced that the Zionist project would benefit Turkey, while Hechler continued untiringly to win new converts, particularly in British and German clerical circles.

Grand Duke Frederick advised Hechler to win over Count Philipp zu Eulenburg, the German ambassador in Vienna, a gifted politician, whose influence on the kaiser was profound. Hechler was instructed to tell the ambassador that, in the duke's opinion, "something was involved that might prove to be important for German policy in the Orient. Briefed by Hechler, Herzl was now confident that his movement would receive help.

He hoped to persuade the grand duke that settlement by a neutral national element along the shortest route to Asia could be of value to Germany. He also prepared a draft letter to the kaiser, explaining that the Jews were the only people who could colonize Palestine; the land was too poor to attract others. For the Jews, it was rich in memories and hopes.

Settlement by other European nationals would engender jealousy among the Powers, while settlement by the Jews, as a neutral element, would create fewer complications. On Hechler's advice, the letters were not dispatched, but they reflect the working of Herzl's mind. He attempted to strike a balance between the principle of neutrality, embodied in the Basle Program, and an endeavor to solicit the support of a European Power — in this case, Germany — for his cause.

The two elements were complementary. The Zionists, he hoped, would be regarded as the lesser evil, since no Power would let any other have Palestine. During the summer and autumn ofeverything seemed, at least superficially, to be going well for Herzl. When Hechler failed to meet Count Eulenburg in Vienna, the duke wrote directly to the kaiser.

Earlier he had hesitated to introduce Herzl to Wilhelm, but now that the Zionist movement had made substantial progress, it warranted a certain amount of attention, especially on the eve of the imperial visit to Palestine. Jewish colonization had proved successful, and consistent efforts were being made to lay the foundations of a Jewish state. It took Wilhelm a month to reply to his uncle's letter.

The Zionist aspirations appealed to him, and he instructed Eulenburg to examine the material, but he doubted whether the movement was ripe enough to justify official support. He noted also that Zionism was meeting with strong opposition from influential sections of Jewry, but the duke remained optimistic. On September 2,he received Herzl in Mainau Castle and, as if to demonstrate his confidence, discussed secret political matters with him.

Originally, the kaiser's trip was to be strictly religious, but subsequently it was decided to give it a political character. En route to Palestine, the emperor would pay an official visit to the sultan. Through Ambassador Marschall, the German Government had made inquiries in Constantinople and, the duke said, had learned that the sultan viewed the Zionist cause with favor.

Since the Cretan affair, the kaiser had been on excellent terms with the sultan, and the duke was confident that the kaiser's word would certainly be heeded by his host. This was important, because legal security was necessary for the foundation of a state; he thought a formula could be found for preserving the Ottoman overlordship on the pattern of the former Danube principalities.

The ambassador was not yet fully acquainted with the project and nourished some misgivings: the soil of Palestine was poor and the Turks would view the immigration of "two million people" with disfavor and suspicion; the sultan was obsessed by fear. However, after listening to Herzl, the ambassador grew "perceptibly warmer. But the strongest impression made on him was Herzl's statement that, since Zionism existed, one Power or another would sooner or later espouse it.

It lay in the nature of things" — but now Germany would be even more welcome. The mention of England, as Herzl observed, was conclusive for Eulenburg. He promised Herzl that he would try to persuade the emperor to intercede with the sultan in order to obtain the country for the Zionists on "the basis of autonomy. Herzl impressed Eulenburg as "an unusually gifted man" of striking appearance: "a tall gentleman, with a head like that of King David, the type of valiant leading Jews from the time of the Jewish kingdom, without any trace of a Handelsjude.

His deeper reasons for so fervently supporting Herzl can only be surmised, for there is little documentary evidence. He believed that Herzl could collect "absolutely unlimited sums" to offer the sultan as a quid pro quo for the concession of Palestine. Since Eulenburg was the first German statesman to commit himself, at least by implication, to the maintenance of the Ottoman Empireit is possible that Herzl's offer to straighten out the sultan's finances made a strong appeal to him.

Buelow had other ideas. He received Herzl with "captivating kindness," impressing him as a gentleman of the vieux jeu of diplomacy rather than the iron type of the Bismarck era. He complimented Herzl profusely on his writing, but his conversation was more in the nature of a chat than a serious political discussion. He doubted whether many German Jews would emigrate; in any case, their departure seemed to him undesirable.

He was pleased to learn from Herzl that in Vienna the Zionists had won students away from socialism. Herzl's projected state, however, he dismissed as a " polis of Plato. Buelow was a cultured and subtle diplomat and an expert in manipulating people. Buelow was well aware of the hardships which the Jews in Eastern Europe had to endure but was not convinced that mass emigration to Palestine would improve their lot.

He also doubted whether Herzl's project could be applied to German Jews, who were strongly attached to Germany and felt no need "to rush into an undefined venture in Palestine. Buelow was largely influenced by Professor Ludwig Stein. In a memorandum prepared at Buelow's request, Stein dismissed the Zionist project as "not worthy of consideration," a conclusion he had reached during a fact-finding mission to Palestine in on behalf of the Esra Verein.

The Verein was investigating the possibilities of Jewish migration from Russia to Palestine, but Stein, though impressed by the existing colonies, discounted them as "mere oases in the desert. The stony soil, the lack of humus, the dearth of fauna, and the scanty flora" were "insurmountable obstacles to any considerable colonization.

Theodur herzl biography of abraham lincoln: Theodor Herzl is the father of

In justice to the memory of Herzl, I must confess that in his visionary ecstasy he foresaw many things which logical rationalism considered Utopian. Herzl and Nordau had prevailed. They brought to life a movement that grew far beyond the limits of my wildest dreams. Had I possessed prophetic vision then my judgment as recorded in my diary [memorandum?

But being a philosopher by profession, I could not assume the role of seer. Buelow, too, in October by then no longer a minister admitted to Bodenheimer that reports from Jewish quarters had misled him into adopting a negative attitude toward Zionism. Unable to rely on Buelow, Herzl wrote to Eulenburg to request an audience with the emperor before the latter's departure for Constantinople.

He made five points:. In various countries, Zionism might lessen the danger of socialism, since it was often dissatisfied Jews who provided the revolutionary parties with leaders and ideas. Turkey stood to gain from the influx of an intelligent and energetic element into Palestine. Large sums of money injected into her economy and the increase in trade would improve her finances.

A railroad from the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf was a European necessity. The Jews could and must build this great road of the nations which, if undertaken otherwise, might call forth the most serious rivalries. This memorandum had a remarkable success. In less than a week, the kaiser, in consultation with Eulenburg, whose counsel he valued, made up his mind to give full support to Herzl's cause.

In a letter to his uncle, the grand duke, thanking him for providing the stimulus and guidance in a matter of which hitherto he had had only superficial knowledge, the kaiser wrote:. The fundamental idea of Zionism has always interested me and even aroused my sympathy. I have come to the conclusion that here we have to deal with a question of the most far-reaching importance.

Therefore I have requested that cautious contact should be made with the promoters of this idea. I am willing to grant an audience to a Zionist deputation in Jerusalem on the occasion of our presence there. I am convinced that the settlement of the Holy Land by the wealthy and industrious people of Israel [ Volk Israel ] will bring unprecedented prosperity and blessings to the Holy Landwhich may do much to revive and develop Asia Minor.

Such a settlement would bring millions into the purse of the Turks and so gradually help to save the "Sick Man" from bankruptcy. In this way the disagreeable Eastern question would be imperceptibly separated from the Mediterranean…. The Turk will recover, getting his money without borrowing, and will be able to build his own highways and railways without foreign companies and then it would not be so easy to dismember Turkey.

In addition, the energy and creative powers and abilities of the tribe of Shem would be directed to more dignified purposes than the exploitation of Christians, and many Semites of the Social Democratic Party, who are stirring up opposition, will move eastwards, where more rewarding work will present itself…. I know very well that nine-tenths of all Germans will be deeply shocked when they hear, at a later time, that I sympathize with the Zionists or even that I place them under my protection when they appeal to me.

From the point of view of secular Realpolitikthe question cannot be ignored. In view of the gigantic power very dangerous in a way of international Jewish capital, would it not be an immense achievement for Germany if the world of the Hebrews looked to her with gratitude? Everywhere the hydra of the most awful antisemitism raises its terrible and brutal head, and the Jews, full of anxiety, are ready to leave the countries where they are threatened in order to return to the Holy Land and seek protection and security.

I shall intercede with the Sultan. Wilhelm was certainly not free from religious prejudices but here his reaction to antisemitism was unusual. By proposing a constructive solution to the "Jewish Problem," he seemed to stand out from most of his contemporaries, though obviously, without the impact of Herzl's memorandum re-echoed partly in his letterit is doubtful whether his conclusions would have been so far-reaching.

However, it is evident that it was Eulenburg who had kindled his interest. The count understood the emperor and, in serious matters, knew how to make his counsel effective. My standing with the Kaiser is such that I am able to speak to him differently from, and more than, many others. Very few people can go as far as I … I have been able to bring the matter up again and again and I have succeeded.

On September 27, Eulenburg advised Herzl that the theodur herzl biography of abraham lincoln would be pleased to receive a Zionist deputation in Palestine, which would give Herzl an excellent opportunity to present his case. On the next day, September 28, Eulenburg sent Herzl a highly confidential postscript: "His Majesty would discuss the matter with the Sultan in a most emphatic manner and will be pleased to hear more from you in Jerusalem.

The Kaiser has already issued orders to the effect that no obstacle is to be placed in the way of the [Zionist] delegation. In conclusion, H. The duke also assured Herzl of the emperor's "warm and lively interest"; he would suggest his protection of the Zionist project when he met the sultan; thereafter he would receive a Zionist deputation in Jerusalem in order to demonstrate his sympathy.

The meeting with Eulenburg on October 8 was even more encouraging and made Herzl confident that Germany's intervention and protection were a foregone conclusion. A subsequent conversation with the grand duke in Potsdam on October 9 fortified Herzl's conviction. That word is not too strong. He has taken to your idea quite warmly. He speaks of it in the liveliest terms.

He would also have received you by now, for he has confidence in you; but it is now deemed better to receive you at Constantinople and Jerusalem. Ambassador Marschall had made his name as a diplomat by initiating the era of German-Turkish friendship, which became one of the chief leitmotifs of Germany's foreign policy. There is hardly any evidence about his attitude toward Zionism; the "favorable report" to which both Eulenburg and the theodur herzl biography of abraham lincoln duke of Baden referred has not so far come to light.

It is not among the documents of the German Foreign Ministry, nor can it be traced in the Nachlass Eulenburgor among the emperor's papers. We can only surmise why it was too risky for him to support such a venture. His first objective was to cement relations with Turkey; the second, to facilitate Germany's peaceful penetration of the Ottoman Empire without arousing suspicion.

This was not an easy task, since the Russian press was giving much prominence to the alleged German plans to colonize Asia Minorand even Petersburg made known its displeasure with Berlin's Drang nach Osten. It was the French who were responsible for feeding the Russians with this kind of information, which Marschall dismissed as "terrible nonsense, such as only Frenchmen, when speaking about Germans, are able to produce.

Moreover, Marschall was aware that the sultan's objection to foreign colonization was based on religious grounds and that the Muslim clergy were particularly sensitive on this issue. InMarschall asked a representative of the Hilfsverein der deutschen Juden to advise the Zionists to moderate their political aspirations. Yet the question still arises: why, if Marschall was aware of the pitfalls entailed in support of Zionism, did he not warn the emperor in the autumn of ?

Soon after the Zionist delegation arrived in Constrantinople, it experienced a bitter foretaste of its future disappointments. Marschall declined to grant Herzl an audience on the pretext that he did not know him. Max Bodenheimer's explanation that Dr. Herzl was the Zionist leader who had been in touch with Count Eulenburg and that the matter concerned the reception of a deputation by His Majesty the Kaiser had no effect.

To the Zionists' regret, Eulenburg did not join the Near Eastern tour. Buelow was unreliable and Marschall enigmatic. To bring matters to a head, Herzl wrote to Wilhelm requesting a confidential audience. He assured the kaiser that France, weakened internally, would not be able to make a move, that "to Russia, the Zionist solution of the Jewish question meant enormous relief," and that no effective objection was to be feared from England, since the English Church was known to favor the Zionist cause.

Once personal contact between the two sovereigns was established, they could ignore the intrigues of the other Powers. Herzl's request boiled down to a concession for a "Jewish Land Company for Syria and Palestine" under German protection. The long-awaited audience with the emperor took place on October 18 in Buelow's presence. The kaiser listened attentively to Herzl's exposition and expressed confidence that the Zionists, with the financial and human resources at their disposal, would be successful in their venture.

That the word "Zionism" was used by the German emperor as an accepted term was a source of pride to Herzl, but other utterances were less pleasant. If these people took their possessions and went to settle in the colonies, they could be more useful. Herzl soon regained his confidence and launched an attack on antisemitism, only to be parried by Buelow, who commented that the Jews, by flocking to the opposition and even to the anti-monarchical parties, showed their ingratitude to the House of Hohenzollern.

Herzl replied that Zionism would take the Jews away from the revolutionary parties. Buelow stuck to his guns and, when Wilhelm expressed confidence that the Jews would support the colonization of Palestine once they knew it was under his protection, the foreign minister interjected that the rich Jews were not in favor of it, nor were the big newspapers.

At every opportunity, he contradicted the emperor, only stopping short of using "the little word No … since the voluntas regis [royal will] is Yes. However, the emperor, who often allowed himself to beguided by his minister, in this case supported Herzl and agreed that Zionism was a "completely natural" solution. Buelow again raised a doubt as to the attitude of the Porte, although individual Turkish ministers might prove more amenable if offered sufficient bribes.

But the kaiser brushed aside Buelow's misgivings, confident that it would make an impression if he showed interest. Only when the latter spoke of the new overland route to Asia and the Persian Gulf did he stare into space, and his thoughtful expression revealed that Herzl's words had made an impact. The interview was concluded by the kaiser's undertaking to ask the sultan for a "chartered company under German protection.

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Events showed that he gravely misjudged the attitude of the Porte and his own minister. Though flattering his sovereign as "a monarch of genius! He told Herzl after the kaiser had left that in his opinion the Turks were unfavorably disposed and advised him to see Marschall, who possessed "exact information. It was there that the emperor made his diplomatic overture to the sultan and failed.

Wilhelm's account of his encounter with Abdul Hamid, quoted already, is too sketchy to enlighten us. Inthe Grand Duke of Baden told Dr. Bodenheimer that at the dinner the kaiser twice attempted to discuss the matter of Palestine with the sultan, but the latter displayed a "complete and ostentatious lack of understanding. The sultan rejected the kaiser's suggestion so brusquely that it was not possible to pursue it further; "we are anxious to remain on good terms with him.

As a guest, the Kaiser could not, of course, press the subject.

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If the circumstantial evidence adduced above is correct, the kaiser's diplomatic venture was clumsy. Wilhelm ii has been described as quick, versatile, and responsive to ideas, but also as a man without depth; impulsive by nature, he scarcely penetrated the problems that he studied. In personal relations, he was benevolent and amiable; yet, on some occasions, he was inclined to act in a most erratic and tactless manner.

Despite his intellectual gifts, there was much of the irresponsible dilettante in him. He undoubtedly had an instinct for politics, but he was no master of diplomacy. Unaware of the emperor's failure, Herzl drafted the official address he was to deliver in Jerusalem:. We are bound to this sacred soil through no valid title of ownership.

Many generations have come and gone since this earth was Jewish. If we talk about it, it is only about a dream of very ancient days. But the dream is still alive, lives in many hundreds of thousands of hearts; it was and is a wonderful comfort in many an hour of pain for our poor people. Whenever foes oppressed us with accusations and persecutions, whenever we were begrudged that little bit of right to live, whenever we were excluded from the society of our fellow citizens — whose destinies we have been ready to share loyally — the thought of Zion arose in our oppressed hearts.

There is something eternal about that thought, whose form, to be sure, has undergone multifarious changes with people, institutions, and times. Herzl stressed that Zionism was a political expression of an old idea. It aimed at solving the "Jewish Question" by modern means, but its essence was to realize the centuries-old dream of returning to Zion.

And we have among our brethren a frightful [ sic ] proletariat. These people cry out for a land to cultivate. The sultan, too, should be persuaded of the theodur herzl biography of abraham lincoln of the Jewish Land Company. We are honestly convinced that the implementation of the Zionist plan must mean welfare for Turkey … Energies and material resources will be brought to the country; a magnificent fructification of desolate areas may easily be foreseen; and from all this there will arise more happiness and more culture for many human beings.

Our idea offends no-one's rights or religious feelings; it breathes long-desired reconciliation. We understand and respect the devotion of all faiths to the soil on which, after all, the faith of our fathers, too, arose. Moreover, Herzl added that Jewish aspirations transcended their purely national context. They were part of the human endeavor. This is the fatherland of ideas which do not belong to one people or to one creed alone.

The farther men advance in their morality, the more clearly do they recognize the common elements in these ideas. And thus the actual city of Jerusalem, with its fateful walls, has long since become a symbolic city sacred to all civilized men. The exalted note echoed the messianic hope of the Hebrew prophets, who believed that the redemption of the Jewish people would coincide with the redemption of mankind.

Lofty as its content was, it brought no definite result. Circumstances were against Herzl; it does not require much imagination to realize why "German protection of a Jewish chartered company" could not commend itself to the sultan. Ahmed Tewfik, the Turkish foreign minister, who accompanied the kaiser on his tour of Palestine, made it clear that "the Sultan would have nothing to do with Zionism and an independent Jewish kingdom.

This organization, when it was eventually formed, was called the Zionist Organization. He saw the future state as a model social state, basing his ideas on the European model of the time, of a modern enlightened society. It would be neutral and peace-seeking, and of a secular nature. He envisioned a new society that was to rise in the Land of Israel on a cooperative basis utilizing science and technology in the development of the Land.

Herzl's ideas were met with enthusiasm by the Jewish masses in Eastern Europe, although Jewish leaders were less ardent. Herzl appealed to wealthy Jews such as Baron Hirsch and Baron Rothschildto join the national Zionist movement, but in vain. The Congress was the first interterritorial gathering of Jews on a national and secular basis.

Herzl convened six Zionist Congresses between and Inthe center of the Zionist movement was transferred to Jerusalem. Herzl saw the need for encouragement by the great powers of the aims of the Jewish people in the Land. When these efforts proved fruitless, he turned to Great Britainand met with Joseph Chamberlain, the British colonial secretary and others.

The only concrete offer he received from the British was the proposal of a Jewish autonomous region in east Africa, in Uganda. TheKishinev pogrom and the difficult state of Russian Jewry, witnessed firsthand by Herzl during a visit to Russia, had a profound effect on him.